Performance layer · 2026
What the money buys
The budget shows what the city adopts. This page adds the public record of what that money delivers, beside outcome measures from federal publishers. No causal claim is made, here or anywhere on this site.
A city is not a small state, and this city is not its county. Three of the four measures every state locale carries cannot exist at the city level, and each card below says why in its own words. The short version: the jail belongs to El Paso County, not to the city, and the vehicle theft rank is a comparison between the 51 state-level jurisdictions, which a city is not one of. What does transfer is the FBI’s agency endpoint, so the vehicle-theft rate is published — on the police department’s own population served, a different denominator from any state page.
Justice
Corrections budget NOT ELIGIBLE
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The city runs no jail and budgets no corrections agency — the jail is the El Paso County Criminal Justice Center, run by the El Paso County Sheriff’s Office. That is county money, a different government’s budget, and it does not appear here under the city’s name. It is published on this page in its own section, as the county’s — and El Paso County prints no jail total inside its Sheriff’s Office, which that section says in full.
People incarcerated /100k NOT ELIGIBLE
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There is no city jail population to count — people jailed here are held by El Paso County. The state pages count sentenced prisoners under state jurisdiction, and a county jail count is a third, different measure (a separate federal survey that reports by facility size, not by named jurisdiction). None of the three stands in for another. The county section below publishes money, not people: no publisher states a custody count for the people jailed from this city.
Vehicle thefts /100k CALC
691.2
2024 · 3,397 offenses reported by the police department ÷ the population the department serves × 100,000 — the agency’s own figure, published in the same FBI response · not comparable with a state rate, which uses a different denominator · −15.3% on 2023
Vehicle theft rank NOT ELIGIBLE
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This measure cannot exist at the city level, and that is different from not having been built. The rank orders the 51 state-level jurisdictions by theft rate; a city is not one of them. Ranking this city against a chosen set of other cities would produce a number under the same name meaning something else, so none is produced. Not eligible rather than pending, because no amount of work would close it.
Not eligible. The city budgets no corrections agency. The jail is El Paso County’s, and county money is not charted under the city’s name.
Not eligible. There is no city jail population. A county jail count would be a different government and a different measure.
Not eligible. The rank is a comparison between states. There is no chart because there is no measure, not because one is missing.
Hover over the chart for exact values.
The jail is El Paso County’s, and this page does not borrow it
Colorado Springs is a home-rule city inside El Paso County, and the two are separate governments with separate budgets. The jail — the El Paso County Criminal Justice Center — is run by the El Paso County Sheriff’s Office, on the county’s money. The courts and most of the safety net sit with the county and the state as well.
What the city does budget is its police department, and that figure is published in the budget section above: $145,572,009 of General Fund money for 2026, plus a separate $52,262,048 Public Safety Sales Tax fund the publisher keeps apart from it. Police is not corrections, so it does not wear the corrections card’s name.
El Paso County’s own budget is published further down this page, under its own name. It is not quoted under the city’s name and it is never added to anything above — that would blend two governments’ money. What the county does not print is a jail total: its Sheriff’s budget is broken into business units, several of them named for detention, and the county publishes no figure that adds them up. So the corrections card here stays empty, and the county section says what the county does publish.
What the city does budget is its police department, and that figure is published in the budget section above: $145,572,009 of General Fund money for 2026, plus a separate $52,262,048 Public Safety Sales Tax fund the publisher keeps apart from it. Police is not corrections, so it does not wear the corrections card’s name.
El Paso County’s own budget is published further down this page, under its own name. It is not quoted under the city’s name and it is never added to anything above — that would blend two governments’ money. What the county does not print is a jail total: its Sheriff’s budget is broken into business units, several of them named for detention, and the county publishes no figure that adds them up. So the corrections card here stays empty, and the county section says what the county does publish.
Why 2021 is not a gap here, and what was checked instead
The FBI’s agency endpoint publishes no per-agency coverage series, so the coverage gate every state locale applies cannot be applied here. The refusal logic is the one this site built for its first city locale: a year whose reported count falls below a floor set far under any plausible real figure publishes as a gap, never as a rate. Measured for this department, every year from 2015 through 2024 has all 12 months reported and a credible count — the smallest is 1,726 — so no year is refused.
The department has reported through the FBI’s incident-based system since 1997, per the FBI’s own roster, so its counts do not break at the 2021 national reporting transition the way many agencies’ do. What would break is a comparison to a national line spanning that year, so none is drawn.
The department has reported through the FBI’s incident-based system since 1997, per the FBI’s own roster, so its counts do not break at the 2021 national reporting transition the way many agencies’ do. What would break is a comparison to a national line spanning that year, so none is drawn.
View the vehicle-theft series as a table
| Year | Offenses reported | Population served | Rate /100k |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2015 | 1,726 | 452,410 | 381.5 |
| 2016 | 2,069 | 464,113 | 445.8 |
| 2017 | 2,139 | 472,958 | 452.3 |
| 2018 | 2,448 | 471,124 | 519.6 |
| 2019 | 3,077 | 479,648 | 641.5 |
| 2020 | 2,374 | 485,083 | 489.4 |
| 2021 | 2,651 | 488,747 | 542.4 |
| 2022 | 2,723 | 487,728 | 558.3 |
| 2023 | 3,993 | 489,254 | 816.1 |
| 2024 | 3,397 | 491,474 | 691.2 |
Counts and the population served are the FBI’s published figures for the Colorado Springs Police Department; the rate is the division, shown to one decimal. The denominator is the population the department serves, published in the same response as the counts. It is not a Census city population and not the FBI’s state matched population. That is why this rate is never read against a state page’s.
Education NOT ELIGIBLE
The city’s own 2026 budget book says it plainly: “There are nine public school districts serving greater Colorado Springs.” That sentence is about the wider area. We checked the city itself, block by block, against the Census Bureau’s 2020 maps of school districts and cities. The city’s land also lies in nine districts: Colorado Springs School District 11, Academy School District 20, Harrison School District 2, School District 49, Cheyenne Mountain School District 12, Widefield School District 3, Manitou Springs School District 14, Ellicott School District 22 and Fountain School District 8.
No district’s boundary matches the city’s. District 11 holds the most people, but fewer than half of the city’s residents. Every one of the nine also serves people outside the city. The last four hold only small edges of it, and one holds land with nobody living on it.
School districts are separate governments, and none of their money is in the city budget above. So no single district’s figure can stand in for “the city’s schools.” If education is published here later, it will be named-district-only: each district labeled as itself, with its overlap stated. Otherwise it will not be published at all.
No district’s boundary matches the city’s. District 11 holds the most people, but fewer than half of the city’s residents. Every one of the nine also serves people outside the city. The last four hold only small edges of it, and one holds land with nobody living on it.
School districts are separate governments, and none of their money is in the city budget above. So no single district’s figure can stand in for “the city’s schools.” If education is published here later, it will be named-district-only: each district labeled as itself, with its overlap stated. Otherwise it will not be published at all.