FORT COLLINS WORKS BETTER™ Taxpayer Shareholder Portal Follow

Who runs this

Works Better Corporation, a nonpartisan public benefit corporation, builds this site.

Independent public-records project, separate from the City of Fort Collins and from every party and campaign.

Every number carries one of four labels (FACT, CALC, SAMPLE or PENDING) and a source you can open.

Performance layer · 2026

What the money buys

The budget shows what the city appropriates. This page adds the public record of what sits beside that money. No causal claim is made, here or anywhere on this site.

A city is not a small state, and this page is shaped by what does not transfer. Three of the four measures every state locale carries cannot exist at the city level here. The corrections measures are the sharpest case: Fort Collins runs no jail and budgets no corrections function at all — detention money is Larimer County’s, in the county’s own budget — which this page publishes separately, as the county’s, and never folds into a city figure. The vehicle theft rank orders the 51 state-level jurisdictions, and a city is not a member of that set. What survives honestly is the theft rate, taken from the FBI’s own record of what the city’s police department reported.

Public safety

Corrections budget NOT ELIGIBLE
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The city has no corrections budget line to publish. The jail is the Larimer County Sheriff’s, budgeted in the county’s own annual budget — a different government. Showing the county’s figure under a city heading would relabel another government’s money, so none is shown here; the county’s own budget and its Sheriff’s Office are published in their own section on the dashboard, under the county’s name. Not eligible rather than pending, because no city document would ever close it.
People incarcerated /100k NOT ELIGIBLE
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The state pages count sentenced prisoners under state jurisdiction; a city holds nobody that way, and Fort Collins runs no jail of its own either. The federal jail survey reports by facility-size category, not by named city, so there is no honest city figure and no rate is produced. Jail and prison are different collections, and neither has a Fort Collins row.
Vehicle thefts /100k CALC
183.6
2024 · 313 offenses reported by Fort Collins Police Services ÷ the 170,509 people the agency itself serves × 100,000 — the agency’s own denominator, published in the same FBI response · not comparable with a state rate, which divides by a different population · −12.9% on 2023 · campus is separate: Colorado State University police is its own reporting agency inside the city.
Vehicle theft rank NOT ELIGIBLE
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The rank every state page carries orders the 51 state-level jurisdictions by theft rate on one shared denominator. A city is not in that set, and ranking Fort Collins against some chosen list of cities would put a different measure under the same name. So no rank is produced — not eligible, because no amount of work closes it.
No measure, so no chart. The city budgets no corrections function; the jail is the county’s, in the county’s own budget.
No denominator, so no series. Neither the state prison count nor the federal jail survey publishes a figure for this city.
Not eligible. The rank compares states. There is no chart because there is no measure, not because one is missing.

Hover over the chart for exact values.

How the theft rate is read, and what it is not
The FBI’s agency endpoint publishes what Fort Collins Police Services reported, month by month, with the population the agency itself serves in the same response. That pairing is what makes a city rate possible at all. It also sets the limits: the endpoint publishes no per-agency coverage series, so the coverage gate every state page applies is unavailable here, and a year would instead be refused on its own count — a city of this size reporting a handful of thefts would be published as a gap, never as a rate. No year in this window comes anywhere near that floor, and the agency has reported through the FBI’s incident-based system since 2006, so its own counts cross no reporting seam.

Two things this series is not. It is not comparable with the state rate on the state pages — that rate divides by the FBI’s state matched population, a different quantity. And it is not the whole city’s crime record: Colorado State University’s police department reports separately, so campus offenses are not in these counts.
View the theft series as a table
YearOffenses reportedPopulation servedRate /100k
2014151154,01598.0
2015239159,629149.7
2016201164,670122.1
2017207167,633123.5
2018181168,163107.6
2019228170,889133.4
2020295173,274170.3
2021355170,744207.9
2022474168,045282.1
2023356168,886210.8
2024313170,509183.6

Every row divides the reported offenses by the population served in the same FBI response, times 100,000, rounded to one decimal. All twelve months are present in every year shown, and the ingest fails if a month goes missing. Nothing is adjusted: no seasonality, no estimate for unreported theft, no campus offenses.

Education NOT ELIGIBLE
The city does not run schools. School districts do, and each is a separate government with its own taxes and elected board. We checked the city block by block against the Census Bureau’s 2020 maps of school districts and cities. Fort Collins’s land lies in two school districts: Poudre School District R-1 holds most of the city, and Thompson School District R-2J holds a small part of it.

Poudre’s boundary does not match the city line, and about a quarter of its residents live outside Fort Collins. Most of Thompson’s residents live outside the city too. A Poudre figure under the city’s name would leave out part of the city and take in people beyond it.

So no education figure is published yet, and this box is the record of why. If education is published here later, each district will be labeled as itself, with its overlap stated.