DENVER WORKS BETTER™ Taxpayer Shareholder Portal Follow

Who runs this

Works Better Corporation, a nonpartisan public benefit corporation, builds this site.

Independent public-records project, separate from the City and County of Denver and from every party and campaign.

Every number carries one of four labels (FACT, CALC, SAMPLE or PENDING) and a source you can open.

Follow the money

Where will $5.41 billion
of Denver’s money go?

Denver’s Final 2026 budget puts total net expenditures, all funds, at $5.41 billion. That is the book’s own “more accurate picture” of city spending, net of the money the city pays itself. The city publishes five true citywide totals for the same year, so every figure on this page is labeled with its quantity, every time it appears.

FACT Source: Final 2026 budget book (opens in a new tab) · City and County of Denver · carries the Annual Appropriation Ordinance, CB25-1813, as enacted
Budget headline FACT
$5.41B
Total Net Expenditures, all funds, 2026 — the book’s own “more accurate picture” of city spending. It excludes $447.4M of internal service charges and transfers: money the city pays itself.
All funds, gross FACT
$5.86B
Total Expenditures, all funds, 2026, gross — the same budget counted before removing what the city pays itself. Shown beside the net figure, never instead of it.
General Fund appropriations FACT
$1.68B
Exactly $1,676,329,510. An appropriation is the amount the law allows an agency to spend. This is the enacted ordinance, to the dollar: all 64 General Fund items of CB25-1813 summed, including a $1 placeholder appropriation, equal the printed total exactly.
Per Denver resident CALC
≈ $7,307
$5,411,388,000 ÷ 740,613 residents (Census, 2025)

Where $100 goes, by fund group CALC

The city’s own fund breakout of the gross total, restated per $100. The six groups sum to the printed gross exactly, at the precision the city prints. The cents below are allocated so the column sums to exactly $100.00. This is drawn over the gross, because that is the total the city prints its fund breakout against. It means $7.64 of every $100 here is internal duplication, which the net figure removes.
Fund groupPer $100
General Fund$28.38
Enterprise funds$21.72
Appropriated special revenue funds$16.57
Capital projects funds$16.24
Debt service funds$14.75
Internal service funds$2.34
Total$100.00

Enterprise funds are the operations that pay their own way — the airport is most of it — so a large share here is not tax money. The General Fund slice is the estimated-expenditures quantity, because that is the figure the city’s fund breakout carries.

General Fund estimated expenditures FACT
$1.66B
The appropriation less $13.25M the city expects to go unspent — the “$1.66 billion budget” most news coverage cites. A different quantity from the appropriation, and the book prints both.

$60 million of the net total, 1.11%, is collected for another body. It is tax-increment money that belongs to the Denver Downtown Development Authority. The city budgets it, and the Authority owns it. CALC $60,000,000 ÷ $5,411,388,000 (total net expenditures, all funds, 2026) = 1.11%. Over the $5,858,807,000 gross, the same $60,000,000 is 1.02%. Source: the Final 2026 budget book, project 38383 in the Capital Projects Funds summary and its description (pp. 736–737).

What this total counts

Denver collects some money for other governments. Three choices decide what the total above includes. Each one is stated here so a reader can disagree with it.

  • The Downtown Development Authority’s money is counted as passed through. The $60,000,000 is that Authority’s own tax-increment revenue, so it is its money and not the city’s. Source: the Final 2026 budget book, project 38383, Capital Projects Funds summary and project descriptions (pp. 736–737).
  • The Denver Health fund is counted as Denver’s own money. The $67,659,469 Denver Health and Hospital Authority Tax Fund comes from a 0.34% sales and use tax that Denver voters approved in 2024 (Ballot Measure 2Q) and dedicated to Denver Health. It is Denver’s tax, set by a vote, so it stays in the total and is not called passed through. At most this amount reaches Denver Health, because the fund also pays 1.50 positions of administration. Source: the Final 2026 budget book, special revenue fund 11892 (p. 439) and ordinance item 11892-6520000 (p. 275).
  • Denver Public Schools’ property tax is collected on the same bill, and it is not in this total. Denver’s property tax bill carries 79.602 mills, and 52.274 of them are the school district’s. A mill is $1 of tax for every $1,000 of assessed value. The district’s own budget holds that money, so no part of it is in any figure here. Source: the Final 2026 budget book, property tax levy table (p. 220).

What is deliberately not shown here

  • The fifth total is named, not published. The book’s prose also states a $4.4 billion “total 2026 budget for all appropriated funds (less duplications)”. The arithmetic path from the printed fund totals to that figure is not printed in one place. So it is named here as the book’s own words, and not republished as a tile.
  • Denver Public Schools is a separate government. The school district — formally School District No. 1 in the county of Denver — levies its own taxes and adopts its own budget. None of its money is in any city figure on this page, and no education figure here is ever derived from the city budget. The district’s own funding, enrollment and graduation rate are published further down, under What the money buys, labeled as the district’s and never added to anything above.
  • The city’s checkbook is a different basis and is not divided into anything here. Denver’s open-data checkbook records payments — cash going out the door, by payee, one dataset per year through 2025. Payments are not appropriations: no figure on this page divides one by the other, and no 2026 checkbook exists yet.
  • The state’s figures about Denver are named as the state’s. Colorado is a locale on this site in its own right, and its pages quote some Denver facts from the same publishers. The household section below, What a household pays, quotes the state’s property tax report and Denver’s own tax publications, as read for the Colorado page. Each line there names its publisher, and none is added to the city’s budget. Every other figure on this page comes from this locale’s own pipeline: Denver’s own records, and the state’s district-by-district school publications, which print Denver Public Schools as a row of their own.

Capital projects

Denver’s own capital money for 2026, from the Final 2026 budget book. The city lists part of it project by project. The Projects page shows each of those projects beside the capital budget it belongs to. Spending by project is not published, so none is shown.

Capital improvement funds, all seven FACT
$659.9M
Total CIP Expenditures by Fund, 2026 — the city’s own printed capital total, all seven fund groups. Stated in whole thousands.
Published project by project CALC
$269.3M
40.8% of the seven funds’ total: $269,316,418 ÷ $659,901,000. Five funds list their projects. The bond funds and the grant funds print a fund total only.

The State of Colorado also spends capital money at sites in Denver. That is a different government’s money. The Projects page lists it below the city’s own, and it is never added to any figure here. State projects in Denver

Where the money comes from

PENDING

Where Denver’s money comes from — taxes, charges, fees and grants, by source — is printed in the same Final 2026 budget book. It is not on this page yet. Until it is, this section stays blank on purpose rather than estimated. What a household pays in the two taxes it sees directly is in the next section.

What a household pays

Two city taxes reach a Denver household directly: the sales tax at the register and the property tax bill. Each line below names who levies it and where the figure is published. The school district’s share of the property tax bill is shown beside the city’s, and the two are never added together. Property tax figures are amounts levied, not amounts collected.

  • FACT City sales and use tax rate: 5.15% of a taxable sale. Source: City and County of Denver, Department of Finance, Treasury Division, Denver Tax Guide Topic No. 70 — Sales Tax (revised 03/2026).
  • FACT Combined rate a shopper pays in Denver: 9.15%. This is Denver’s own printed combined rate. It includes shares for the state and for regional districts, and those shares are not Denver’s money. Source: City and County of Denver, Department of Finance, Treasury Division, Denver Combined Tax Rates, effective 1-1-2025.
  • FACT Denver’s own property tax levy: 26.328 mills. A mill is $1 of tax for every $1,000 of assessed value. Source: Colorado Governor's Office of Information Technology / Department of Local Affairs, PropTaxMap — Levies (taxing districts/authorities in Colorado).
  • FACT Property tax levied for the City and County of Denver, 2025: $685,728,245. CALC That is 29.6% of everything levied on property in Denver, $2,314,333,258. Source: Colorado Department of Local Affairs, Division of Property Taxation, 2025 Fifty-Fifth Annual Report to the Governor and the General Assembly.
  • FACT Levied for the school district on the same bill: $1,441,397,716. CALC That is 62.3% of the total. It is Denver Public Schools’ money, not the city’s, and it is never added to the city’s figure. Same source as the line above.
  • CALC The remaining 8.1% of what is levied in Denver goes to other bodies on the same bill, such as special districts. It is not listed line by line here: $2,314,333,258 less the city’s and the school district’s amounts, over the total.
  • CALC City property tax per resident: ≈ $926. $685,728,245 ÷ 740,613 residents (Census, 2025). It is levied, not collected, and residents are not the only payers: businesses pay property tax too.

What the money buys

The budget above shows what the city enacts. This section adds the city’s own record of what that money is for, beside outcome measures from federal publishers. No causal claim is made, here or anywhere on this site.

A city is not a small state, and this section is shaped by what does not transfer. The vehicle theft rank is a one-of-51 comparison between states; a city is not a member of that set, so the rank is refused outright rather than left as work outstanding. Incarceration in a consolidated city-and-county is a jail measure, and no machine-readable custody count has been located yet — the tile says so rather than borrowing the state prison series. Education belongs to Denver Public Schools, a separate government, so none of its money is in any city figure on this page — and it is published here because that district’s boundary is the city’s, proved block by block rather than assumed.

Justice

Corrections budget FACT
$174.3M
Exactly $174,253,830. 2026 General Fund annual appropriation to the Denver Sheriff Department, which runs the city’s jails · ordinance item 01010-3530000, and the four Schedule 100B division lines sum to it to the dollar · General Fund only, and not the whole cost of the jails — see the note below
People incarcerated /100k PENDING
—
Not published here yet, and never estimated. Denver’s machine-readable open-data catalog — 346 datasets, read 27 August 2026 — carries no jail or custody population dataset. When a credible custody count is located, this becomes a jail rate. It will never be filled from the state prison series — see the note below.
Vehicle thefts /100k CALC
1,220.4
2024 · 8,812 offenses reported by the Denver Police Department ÷ the population served by the department itself × 100,000 — the agency’s own figure, published in the same FBI response · not comparable with a state rate, which uses a different denominator · −30.0% on 2023, from a 2022 peak of 2,154.1
Vehicle theft rank NOT ELIGIBLE
—
The rank orders the 51 state-level jurisdictions by theft rate on one Census denominator, and no city is a member of that set. Ranking Denver against a chosen group of other cities would produce a number under the same name meaning something else, so no rank is published here. Marked NOT ELIGIBLE rather than PENDING, because no amount of work would close it.
One enacted year, so no series. The 2026 appropriation is the first this locale has read. Earlier books exist and each must be reconciled the same way before a history is drawn.
No source, so no chart. The open-data catalog holds no custody count. An empty box is honest; a borrowed state series would not be.
Not eligible. The rank is a comparison between states. There is no chart because there is no measure, not because one is missing.
The Sheriff’s line is not the whole cost of the jails
Health care inside the city’s two jails is paid through the Denver Health operating agreement, in its own appendix lines: $21,740,490 for acute and chronic care at the Downtown Detention Center and the county jail, and $5,418,974 for prisoner medical services, both 2026 appropriated. Whether those sit inside or outside the Sheriff’s $174,253,830 is not established from the budget book alone, so they are named here and neither added to that figure nor subtracted from it. The publisher prints no combined jail-health total, and this site never sums components a publisher does not sum.
Jail is not prison, and this tile will only ever hold the jail
Denver is a consolidated city and county, so the city runs its own jails — holding mostly people awaiting trial or serving short sentences. The measure every state locale on this site publishes counts sentenced prisoners under state jurisdiction: a separate federal count, of different people, on different dates. None of Denver’s jail population is in Colorado’s prison number, and none of the state’s prison population belongs in this tile. Reusing the state series here would publish a state basis under a city label, which is why the tile stays empty instead.
How the theft rate is built, and what it cannot say
The counts come from the FBI’s agency endpoint for the Denver Police Department — an identifier taken from the FBI’s own roster, never constructed, because the endpoint answers an invented identifier with a well-formed national-only payload. The denominator is the population served by the department itself, published in the same response — not the Census city population, and not the FBI’s state matched population, so this rate is never read against a state rate.

The usual coverage test could not be used, so a different one is. State locales gate each crime year on the FBI’s percent-of-population coverage; the agency endpoint carries no per-agency coverage figure at all. The refusal here is a floor on the count itself — a year reporting fewer than 500 thefts would be published as a gap, not a rate. No Denver year comes near it: the lowest is 3,443 in 2014.

No U.S. line is drawn. The department has reported under NIBRS since 2005, by the FBI’s own roster, so its series does not cross the 2021 national reporting change — but a national comparison line would, and a line that crosses a counting change mid-chart misleads quietly. The chart shows Denver alone, and says so.
View the vehicle-theft series as a table
YearOffenses reportedPopulation servedRate per 100,000
20143,443665,353517.5
20154,374682,418641.0
20164,796699,259685.9
20175,572706,616788.5
20185,336720,745740.3
20195,300728,941727.1
20208,425737,7091,142.0
202112,727740,2091,719.4
202215,192705,2642,154.1
202312,410712,2221,742.4
20248,812722,0311,220.4

Offenses and population served are the Denver Police Department’s own figures from one FBI response; the rate divides one by the other, times 100,000. The population column is the agency’s figure. It differs from the Census resident population of Denver by about 2.5% — two denominators for two jobs, never interchanged. All eleven years reported all twelve months.

Education

PK-12 pupil membership (October count) FACT
89,210
2025-26 · students enrolled in Denver Public Schools on the state’s October count date · −3.2% since the 2019-20 peak of 92,112 · the same count, on the same date, that the State of Colorado publishes for itself · this counts students attending the district, not children living in the city
4-year graduation rate (all students) FACT
81.9%
class of 2025 · the share of the district’s 6,943-student anticipated-2025 cohort that graduated within four years · +11.0 points since the class of 2019 · the anticipated-year-of-graduation basis the state uses, read from the release belonging to each class · that release prints no graduate count, so none is stated here
Total Program school funding FACT
$1.03B
Exactly $1,028,928,091. FY 2025-26, as appropriated in HB25-1320 and SB25-315 · the school finance formula amount for Denver Public Schools — $249,399,960 state share and $779,528,131 local share, which add to it exactly · not the district’s budget, which also carries federal money, bond money and grants · and not the city’s money
Average per-pupil funding (Total Program) FACT
$12,140
FY 2025-26 · $1,028,928,091 over 84,754 funded pupils — the formula’s own count, 4,456 fewer than the October membership above · includes the local property-tax share, which is 75.8% of it here · the same definition as the statewide figure, so the two may be read together
One appropriated year, so no series. The State publishes Total Program district by district only for the year it has appropriated, and archives no earlier run. The table below says where we looked.
Same document, same single year. The per-pupil figure is a column of the same run, so it has exactly the years that run has.
Denver Public Schools is a separate government, and its boundary is the city’s
The school district levies its own taxes and adopts its own budget. None of its money is in any figure above this heading, and none of the city’s money is in the figures under it.

Every other city on this site refuses education, and Denver is the exception because the boundary was proved rather than assumed. The Census Bureau assigns every one of Colorado’s census blocks to a school district, and a block’s identifier begins with its county. Read both ways, on the 2020 file: all 10,149 blocks in the City and County of Denver are served by Denver Public Schools, and all 10,149 blocks that district serves are in Denver. Not one block either way sits outside. The ingest stops on a single exception rather than rounding one off — if it ever finds one, these measures get renamed for what they actually cover.

The boundary is exact; the student body is not. Colorado has open enrollment, so a district’s count is of students attending it. 7,505 of the students counted above have parents living in another district — 8.4% of the total, the largest single origin being Adams-Arapahoe 28J at 2,224. The state’s workbook lists the reverse direction district by district and prints no total for it, so none is stated here.
Why funding has one year and enrollment has nine
Colorado publishes Total Program district by district only for the fiscal year it has appropriated. Looked for on 30 August 2026: Legislative Council Staff’s school finance page carries exactly one district-by-district run, the FY 2025-26 one, and archives none. The state education department’s funding page carries the current fiscal year and six draft stages of it, and no earlier year. Its historical funding surface is an interactive report rather than a file. So the two funding cards state one year each and say so, instead of showing an empty chart with no reason attached.

One document on that page is a trap worth naming. A link labeled “Year Over Year Run” sits beside the current one and names no stage at all. It is an introduced bill’s comparison from two fiscal years earlier — a proposal, not an enactment, under a neutral label on a current page. It is not read here.

The enrollment chart starts at 2017-18 for a reason that belongs to the workbook, not to Denver. That sheet lists the school organizations that exist today, while each column is that year’s actual statewide count. Its district rows sum to its own printed state total exactly in the nine most recent years, and fall 160 and 163 students short in 2015-16 and 2016-17 — students enrolled in organizations that have since closed and have no row to sit on. Rather than publish two years the completeness check cannot cover, the chart starts where it can be measured.
View enrollment as a table
School yearPK-12 pupil membership
2017-1891,794
2018-1991,998
2019-2092,112
2020-2189,061
2021-2288,889
2022-2387,864
2023-2488,235
2024-2590,450
2025-2689,210

The state education department’s October count for this district — the same collection and the same count date as the statewide figure, which is why this measure carries the same name here as it does on the state’s own page. Every year above is reconciled the same way: the workbook’s 186 district rows sum to its own printed state total for that year, to the student.

View graduation rates as a table
Class ofCohort size4-year graduation rate
20196,17770.9%
20206,19774.6%
20216,49374.0%
20226,56876.5%
20236,62479.0%
20246,65079.9%
20256,94381.9%

One release per class, seven separate workbooks. Each release prints four rows for every district — the four-year rate for its newest class, then five-, six- and seven-year rates for the three classes before it — so reading a release’s latest class without checking which rate it is reads a seven-year rate as a four-year one. Only the four-year row is taken.

Four of the seven files sit under identical link text on the publisher’s archive page, so each one proves it is the release it claims to be: its own statewide four-year rate for that class must equal the figure the state published for it. Where a release prints the graduate count as well as the class size — four of the seven do — the printed rate is re-derived from those two figures.

View school funding as a table
Fiscal yearQuantityAmount
FY 2025-26Total Program funding$1,028,928,091
FY 2025-26State share$249,399,960
FY 2025-26Local share$779,528,131
FY 2025-26Funded pupil count84,754
FY 2025-26Per funded pupil$12,140

All five figures are one row of the state’s own district-by-district run, as appropriated in HB25-1320 and SB25-315. The 178 district rows in that run sum to its own printed statewide Total Program to the dollar, and Denver’s state share plus local share is its Total Program exactly.

Three of the run’s five columns are printed rounded, and that is stated rather than left implied. The funded pupil counts sum 19 pupils above the printed statewide count, the state shares $4 over and the local shares $1 under, and the run’s own statewide line is a dollar short of its own two shares added. Denver’s per-pupil figure divides out to $12,140.17, but the same test fails on 108 of the 178 rows for the same rounding reason — so it is checked here and not claimed of the run.

Total Program is not the district’s budget. It is the school finance formula amount. Denver Public Schools adopts its own budget, which also carries federal money, bond money and grants this figure does not count. And it is not the city’s money: the district is a separate government and no figure here is ever added to a figure above.

Why this exists

Government you can actually see.

Denver Works Better turns the city’s $5.41 billion of net citywide spending into plain-English answers. Denver publishes five true citywide totals for 2026, and the press usually headlines a fifth — so every figure here is labeled with which quantity it is, every time it appears. Denver is a consolidated city and county: one government on one boundary, which makes it the one place on this site where the city and the county are the same answer.

Facts, not spin

Every figure ties to an official record with its source and confidence grade. We keep appropriated, spent, and delivered clearly separate — and never estimate what we can’t verify.

Plain language

No jargon, no 400-page PDFs. If a resident can’t see where the money goes in under a minute, we haven’t done our job.

Accountability

We publish the open questions the city should answer, and the ones it has not answered yet. When a brief worth reading exists we will put it in your hands — and until it does, this site says so rather than announcing a schedule it has not kept.

1
CollectOfficial public records — the Final 2026 budget book and the enacted Annual Appropriation Ordinance inside it.
2
VerifySource every figure, grade its confidence, separate fact from calculation.
3
PublishPlain-English dashboards anyone can scan in a minute.
4
AnswerOpen questions put to the city, their answers when they come, and a brief once there is one to write.

Weekly reports

PENDING
No brief has been published for this locale yet. This section is empty because there is nothing to put in it, not because the format is still being designed. There is no publication schedule to announce, and none is claimed below.
Nothing published yet

The first brief has not been written

Rather than show an example of what one might look like, this space stays empty until a real one exists. A sample brief on a page like this is indistinguishable from a real one at a glance, and the whole point of this site is that you never have to guess which you are reading.

When the first brief exists

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The fine print

PENDING

What this page does not cover yet

  • The Denver City Council. This page does not cover council votes or ordinances yet. The budget figures above come from the city’s own published budget book.

The corrections log

  • Oct 4 · Reader input — until today this page said that the sign-up was demo only and that nothing was collected. From today ratings, comments, follows and the sign-up are real. What you send goes to a store this project controls: a rating or comment is kept with no name, address or identifier, and no rating and no total is published on this site, while a comment is never published on it; a sign-up or follow keeps your address and what you follow, sends a confirmation link before anything else, and unsubscribes in one click. We do not record IP addresses, and we do not track whether an email was opened. The handling note is in the methodologydisclosed

1 correction since 4 October 2026, the most recent on 4 October 2026. Last checked 4 October 2026. The full log, on a page of its own